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The history in the two articles, below, become a
red warning flag in light of the anticipated high
speed rail bond issue on the ballot this November.
They plug directly into Richard Trainor's article from 2003.
<http://www.counterpunch.org/trainor12092003.html>
This article also bears out the history of corruption underlying the high speed train efforts by Morshed, Diridon and their associates.
After reading all three articles, I wanted to pick up the phone and call the FBI.
Why has all this been swept under the carpet? Unfortunately, the prospects for the bond measure to pass will increase dramatically as millions will be spent promoting the glories of the train to the voters. Isn't this the time to begin educating the voters to what they are really in for if it does pass?
How can the media, our legislature and our Governor simply ignore all this? It's six years later. Nothing has changed. The wheeling and dealing, Parsons Brinckerhoff, Diridon, Morshed, all still there and doing business as usual.
The French expression for the behavior described here is: "mains sales." Dirty hands.
Please note that Richard Tolmach,. the author of the two highly critical articles, is a high-speed rail advocate who represents the Train Riders Association of California.
Martin
http://www.calrailnews.com/crn/1102/1102.pdf
926 J Street, Suite 612,
Sacramento, CA 95814
Telephone: 916-557-1667
Fax: 916-448-1789
e-mail: trac@omsoft.com
www.calrailnews.com
"Pay to Play" Tarnishes High Speed Rail Plan
by Richard F. Tolmach
Less than two months after the Oracle
sole-source scandal finally simmered down,
another contractor's apparent attempt to
politically lock down a corrupt plan for high
speed rail backfired on Governor Gray Davis
in late September, providing Republican Bill
Simon one of the few cogent issues in his ill-fated
campaign. Things got hot when Simon
learned of a private contributor event paired
with the Governor's signing a day before of
high speed rail legislation placing a $10 billion
bond issue on the November 2004 ballot.
Tipped off by a copy of an e-mail giving
the address of the fund-raiser, Simon showed
up outside the home of High Speed Rail
Authority Executive Director Rod Diridon
September 20 along with placard-waving
supporters and a large press contingent.
Simon, surrounded by television news cameras,
attacked the governor for linking political
pork to fundraising.
Diridon's e-mail promoting the fund-raiser stated "the gov's campaign staff gave us 11 days to pull this off and I thought you might be able to help. We're committed to $50,000 and are a far pace from that so are really in need of your assistance and that of any that you think might be willing to help.
Diridon also forwarded an e-mail note
from Mike Montgomery, the Davis campaign
finance chief, which mentioned checks "can
be made payable to the Governor Gray Davis
Committee. We also accept Visa, Master
Card and American Express contributions."
The San Francisco Chronicle reported that
the note also told Diridon "you can personally
accept contributions and give them to me
at the event." This last helpful advice from
the Davis campaign seems to stray very
close to the limit of campaign law, since its
ambiguous language can be read as an offer
to shield identities of original donors.
On the other hand, Davis's senior campaign
advisor Garry South took a harder line
than Montgomery, the finance chief. He said
Diridon violated "an absolute ironclad rule
that nobody can send off a (fund-raising)
invitation" without specific permission; his
targeted invitation "put this thing so far over
the line... we didn't hesitate a second to cancel
it," South said.
Davis campaign press secretary Roger
Salazar claimed the event was cancelled, but
both caterers and donors had already shown
up. Engineering firm execs. had to run a
gauntlet of news cameras while shielding
their faces entering and leaving the event.
The identity of the donors was also protected
by Salazar, who claimed none of the
checks would be accepted, and that there
would not be a rescheduling of the event.
The Governor's attitude towards Diridon
does not seem to presage his appointment
as Secretary of the Business, Transportation
and Housing Agency, a position Diridon told
donors he would soon occupy while he was
trying to fund-raise. Several days later, when
Governor Davis was still dogged by press
inquiries about the incident at an Oakland
press conference, he snapped that "Diridon
made mistakes. We don't want any more
mistakes."
Simon called for "law enforcement to
undertake a comprehensive review of all the
governor's past and current fundraising
activities." Key among Diridon's financial
backers is Parsons Brinckerhoff Quade and
Douglas, (PB) the only firm that has been
allowed to oversee high speed rail planning
or engineering for the State of California
since 1987, a de facto sole source contractor.
PB was identified by Diridon as the
sponsor of a September 25 symposium on
high speed rail at the Cal State University
San Jose campus where Diridon's Mineta
Transportation Institute is based. Following
the September 20 blowup, rail activists were
pushed forward as sponsors, and Diridon got
a sudden case of pneumonia and missed the
event, despite his attendance at the Las
Vegas APTA conference two days before.
Governor Davis may have backed away
from pay to play accusations, but everyone
who is playing at the High Speed Rail
Authority has been anteing up constantly.
PB gave Diridon's MTI $10,000 at a June
event, as did HNTB Engineering Corp.,
which is heading up design of the tri-level
addendum to San Jose Diridon station. PB
subcontractors URS, CH2M Hill, and DMJM
each threw in $2,000. Their loyalty to the
Diridon family apparently runs deep. Three
of the four firms also pitched in when Rod
Diridon's son ran unsuccessfully for
Assembly last spring.
Diridon's history with PB goes back to
the early 1980's when he brokered a Santa
Clara County decision to pursue a new light
rail corridor with known serpentine excavation
problems and a fraction of the ridership
potential of the alternate corridor following
Highway 101. The line opened years late
and hundreds of millions over its budget.
"Pay to play" came along as a statewide
issue at a point when the Authority board
and staff's comprehensive ties to PB were
already being questioned by TRAC and
other observers.
A letter from TRAC President Richard
Tolmach to Diridon in May, 2002 pointed out
that, "there is a perception that you are not
in control of the engineering firm so much as
it is directing your actions and rhetoric on
the issue of [the line through Henry Coe
State Park]. While no one is drawing a time
line or making any conclusions about prior
interactions with the firm, your stance is not
helping your image as a leader capable of
brokering an alternatives process that leads
to consensus."
A letter from TRAC President Richard
Tolmach to Diridon in May, 2002 pointed out
that, "there is a perception that you are not
in control of the engineering firm so much as
it is directing your actions and rhetoric on
the issue of [the line through Henry Coe
State Park]. While no one is drawing a time
line or making any conclusions about prior
interactions with the firm, your stance is not
helping your image as a leader capable of
brokering an alternatives process that leads
to consensus."
As the May 2002 letter said, "There is
every reason that high speed rail must be
relevant to San Francisco, the South Bay and
East Bay's regional travel needs and provide
congestion relief along Interstates 80, 580
and 680. Northern Californians stuck in gridlock
are not going to vote for a plan that
ignores their needs and focuses only on 400
mile trips or travel to Central Valley destinationsŠ.
The present preferred alternative
does virtually nothing to help congestion [on
Bay Area highways]."
"The question now," says TRAC Vice-
Dan McNamara, "is how the
Authority can carry out a selection of a route
and a technology that withstands Federal
scrutiny, after the process has become so
contaminated by financial influence. French,
German and Japanese rail technology
providers are statutorily prohibited from
making political contributions here because
of past scandals in third world countries.
Does this mean we end up with hockey puck technology in place of something world class because on this continent money can buy off any candidate? Does this mean the tracks swerve to cater to real estate speculators?"
"What is most needed is a housecleaning
that restores the public's trust that this is a
serious, feasible project, and not just another
money grab," said McNamara. "Everyone is
altogether too ready to look at this as the
next Enron or Qwest, unless we have someone
with impeccable credentials running it."
Flawed Plan Blocks High Speed Progress
California needs a high speed
rail system, but plans put forth
by the High Speed Rail Authority
will delay progress with years of
environmental litigation,
community opposition, change
orders and project delay.
by Richard F. Tolmach
With breathtaking speed, the California
Legislature passed a bond measure at the
end of session in August that would put in
place a mechanism to finance a California
high speed rail line. SB 1856, packaged by
Sen. Jim Costa and a bipartisan coalition of
progressive legislators is by and large an
admirable and far reaching piece of legislation
with only a few minor technical flaws.
Despite this progress, actual plans for
the line are anything but ready for prime
time. Moreover, the cast of characters at
California's High Speed Rail Authority
(HSRA) does not inspire confidence that
Californians will have bullet trains any
decade soon. The HSRA Chairman, Rod
Diridon, is best known for presiding over a
rail project in San Jose which had among
the longest delays and highest cost overruns
of any new light rail line in North
America. Once it opened, it had the lowest
cost-recovery ratio of any rail line in
California.
Diridon, highly identified with San Jose
by reason of its railroad station bearing his
name, has definitely put his mark on the
high speed rail project. Although he currently
denies this detail, for months he
maintained that all trains on the high speed
rail starter line would stop at Diridon station,
an arrangement which would delay
and inconvenience the vast majority of
Californians who aren't going there. This
detail of the plan is most onerous for residents
of Sacramento, Stockton, Modesto,
and the East Bay who get left out of the
starter plan and won't have high speed rail
serving their cities until some undetermined
date years later.
The Authority's prime consultant,
Parsons Brinckerhoff, has spent tens of millions
of dollars in over 10 years of studies
for the state, but has failed in all that time
to come up with a politically attractive,
buildable concept for high speed rail in
California. Dubbed "the taxi drivers" by
industry observers because its interminable
studies keep the meter running, PB is
famous for its multi-billion dollar plans for
airport expansions and freeway double-decking
projects, as well as its uncanny
knack of having its hapless transit clients
aim projects straight at foreseeable problems
which later cause huge project overruns.
The problem was the La Brea Tar Pits
on the Los Angeles Red Line, where Metro
Rail was surprised to find gas and oil, serpentine
formations on San Jose's
Guadelupe Corridor light rail, where
County Transit was surprised to find
asbestos, a telephone switching center in
Millbrae on the BART-SFO project where
BART was surprised to run into fiber
optics, interrupting phone and data service
to 25,000 customers. Each of these discoveries
cost the public many millions of dollars,
but was quite profitable for the contractors.
Nobody who has been closely watching
California's high speed rail planning has
been surprised that instead of using
Altamont, or another of the easily scalable
passes into the Bay Area, the project has a
preferred routing aimed at the heights of
Mount Hamilton and Henry Coe State Park,
where predictable engineering difficulties
and environmental opposition both provide
immense opportunities for lucrative change
orders and cost overruns. Problem tunnels
are PB's most lucrative specialty. PB's endless
Boston "Big Dig," its 50 percent underbid
of the Seattle light rail tunnel and its
role in the Hollywood cave-in show three
possible scenarios that could be played out
on even a grander scale on a project with a
$20 billion price tag.
Nor was anyone surprised when
instead of doing a true alternatives analysis
that would find an unobstructed path
through the Central Valley for its 220 mph
trains, the Authority's Mehdi Morshed
wrote citizen advocates on June 14, 2002 to
say that all "non-railway corridors through
the Central Valley have been eliminated
from consideration at this time" and that
the route would consist of the Union Pacific
or the Burlington Northern Santa Fe
through the middles of cities. Chairman
Rod Diridon said we should think of the city
center stations as airports. That's perhaps
fitting, since the jet-like noise of 220 mph
trains every ten minutes would make all
residents of these cities feel like they are
living at the end of the runway.
At its recent meeting in Fresno,
Authority consultants changed their story
yet again. They said they would instead
loop around any town that poses a problem.
With grain elevators, packing houses,
and cement plants blocking the path typically
every ten miles in our mechanically laid
out Central Valley, and with the three mile
turning radius required by 220 mph,
the resulting route would wind like a sine
wave. This isn't good for passengers or
trains. Actually it's a recipe for maximizing
route mileage, motion sickness and equipment
failure. Not coincidentally, the winding
path proposal maximizes design constraints
and future change orders.
Even more recently, apologists for the
High Speed Rail Authority plan have said that
trains would slow down for cities, not run
through at high speed. Project insiders deny
that they have any intention of doing this,
but if trains were slowed, it would increase
elapsed travel time by well over an hour, decimating
projected ridership and destroying
any financial justification for the project.
Successful builders of high speed rail
lines in Europe and Japan chart straight
routes that avoid intermediate cities and
serve these cities with trains diverting from
the high speed tracks to conventional rail
lines. Citizen supporters of rail have tried to
educate the Authority on this issue and others,
but it is really too late to teach HSRA
staff and leadership anything. It's now time
to replace them with professionals who have
actually built high speed rail lines.
Instead of wasting another decade by
having HSRA bureaucrats run detailed engineering
and environmental studies of high
speed lines that cannot work economically,
California should proceed in the way that
Texas did, and solicit proposals from operators
of high speed rail. Texas paid qualified
high speed operators to produce bankable
proposals, and ended up with two highly
attractive alternatives. Only heavy lobbying
by Southwest Airlines prevented the Texas
line from being built, because the plan by a
French and German consortium convinced
both European and American investment
banks of its merit.
For the banks to be convinced of the
value of California rail bonds at this particular
turn in our economic history, we will need a
definitive case made by international rail
experts, not by bureaucratic poseurs. For this
to happen, the plan cannot be jiggered to produce
change orders, cannot waste money on
tunnels where surface track will do the job,
and cannot aggrandize a particular city or
pair of cities. For a California high speed rail
plan to be accepted by financial institutions,
it has to be reasonably determined to produce
the best revenue stream with the least
capital, and with the least engineering risks.
In the runup to the November 2004 ballot
in which his measure will be considered by
voters, Senator Costa would do well to convince
the public that high speed rail is not
just a bigger, faster Metro Red Line hole in
the ground. The best way to do this is to
close down the Authority's ill-considered
planning activities, let the Parsons
Brinckerhoff contract lapse, and obtain active
proposals from successful high speed rail
operators.
By the way, I cannot refrain from addressing those slight technical flaws in the bond act, although the French, Germans, Japanese or Spanish would be glad to point them out.
The last minute revisions to lengthen travel
times specified in the act were necessitated
by a realization that the 2 hour 2 minute travel
time between Los Angeles and San Jose is
impossible, even with the latest technology,
because of the distances and obstacles
involved. The revised times 12 minutes
longer are equally unlikely to be achieved.
These flawed figures were provided to
Senator Costa by HSRA and are yet another
example of why the Authority's planning
activities should be handed over to rail
experts who actually have built and operated
high speed service.
-- ********************** Martin Engel 1621 Stone Pine Lane Menlo Park, CA 94025 650:323-1670 martinengel@earthlink.net ********************** -- ********************** Martin Engel 1621 Stone Pine Lane Menlo Park, CA 94025 650:323-1670 martinengel@earthlink.net **********************Received on Wed Apr 2 18:28:39 2008
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